The phenomenon of irregular migration remains a significant challenge for Europe and North African countries, including Morocco, which consistently hosts large numbers of irregular migrants from sub-Saharan Africa. However, Europe maintains restrictive control over its borders through migration externalization policies, including pushback and pullback practices, particularly observed in interactions between Spain and Morocco. Morocco has strengthened its collaboration with European countries to improve the reception and integration of irregular migrants, progressively transitioning from a transit country to a host State. This situation has considerably compromised migrants’ access to protection and basic services. At the same time, socio-economic integration faces significant challenges due to inadequate institutional structures for efficient migration management, especially in light of the growing uncertainty and discrimination experienced by migrants. 

This blog post explores the impact of outsourcing policies on the reception, protection, and integration of forced migrants in Morocco, evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of migration management against the backdrop of Morocco's status as a ‘safe’ country for migrants. Additionally, the study draws inspiration from the solidarity maintained among migrants during fieldwork interviews, which informs the investigation of their collective consciousness as they navigate the challenges they face on their journey to Europe.

Introduction

Europe is the preferred destination of Sub-Saharan migrants (including refugees) living in Morocco, who were interviewed during the fieldwork of this research in 2024, as they seek to lead a safe and better life.^[1] This phenomenon poses a significant challenge for both Europe and North African countries, including Morocco, which serves as a migration crossroads for sub-Saharan forced migrants forced to flee their countries due to various factors such as wars, political conflicts, terrorism, and climate change. However, the tightening of European border controls has greatly restricted migrants’ onward journeys, turning their brief transit into a prolonged period of residence in transit countries.^[2]

The intensification of migration externalization strategies has positioned Morocco as a strategic buffer for refugees and asylum seekers, preventing their onward movement towards Europe. Within this context, Morocco and European countries have developed several cooperation agreements and partnerships on migration issues, including the 2013 EU-Morocco Mobility Partnership,^[3] and the longstanding 1992 Spain-Morocco Readmission Agreement,^[4] which provides support for legal mobility, border management, and the protection and integration of migrants, often in exchange for funding and development assistance.

In this context, solidarity functions on various levels. Firstly, it manifests among states as they collaborate to manage migration governance and border control effectively. Secondly, it exists among migrants, who build mutual support networks to reduce risks and help each other maintain their journeys toward Europe, as highlighted by interviews conducted during fieldwork.^[5] This duality of solidarity emphasizes the interdependent relationships, both between nations and within migrant communities, as they navigate the complexities of migration together.

Managing Migration Between the North and South: Ambiguous Solidarity Commitments

Increasing movements of migrants and refugees forced to flee their countries toward the European continent have presented a significant socio-political challenge for countries of origin, transit and destination, as well as for border security. In 2022, a total of 31,219 migrants arrived in Spain by land and sea, making a 25.6% decrease from the 41,945 arrivals in 2021. This was primarily attributed to a decline in arrivals to mainland Spain and the Canary Islands.^[6] In 2023, the Canary Islands recorded 40,330 arrivals. Yet, the following year, a total of 46,877 irregular migrants arrived in Europe through the Western African route, marking an 18% increase in arrivals to the Canary Islands, while 70,026 entered Europe via the Western Mediterranean route.^[7] This situation emphasizes the complexity of migration governance, requiring collaboration among several State and non-state actors at the international level to address migration equitably, with a shared commitment to respecting human rights.

This mobility calls for international solidarity, drawing on Durkheim’s theoretical framework, particularly the concept of organic solidarity,^[8] which highlights the interdependence between States and migration stakeholders in addressing migration challenges across all parties involved. This solidarity underscores a collective commitment to shared responsibilities, encompassing reception, financial and technical support, as well as the protection of migrants and refugees, and requiring adherence to shared human rights principles, as enshrined in the 1951 Refugee Convention and human rights treaties. This approach also thrives in a cross-border geographical context, facilitating structured and reciprocal exchanges while ensuring careful management of the time dedicated to achieving collective objectives.

International migration solidarity involves a range of factors determined by the objective, the actors, and the capacity. Achieving a common objective necessitates establishing a framework for bilateral and multilateral cooperation among stakeholders, with each actor contributing according to their capacity. For States, this capacity is often evaluated on the basis of gross national income (GNI), enabling developed countries to allocate significant financial resources to external migration management in third countries.^[9] This mechanism ensures that the budgetary effort of each State is proportionate to its economic capacity.

On the other hand, developing countries possess the capacity to implement viable solutions for the protection and integration of refugees and asylum seekers within their territory. They develop community-based programs, national policies, or temporary shelters that facilitate social integration, despite limited financial and technical resources.^[10]

Establishing a coherent and effective framework for migration governance, as outlined in the Charter of the United Nations, Member States are obliged to actively pursue the United Nations’ goals, including the maintenance of international peace and security, the promotion of human rights, and the advancement of social and economic development, through cooperation and adherence to international norms. This responsibility is further supported by two historic agreements recently concluded: “the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration” (GCM) and “Global Compact on Refugees”, which draw on the principles of international cooperation and equitable responsibility-sharing established under the 1951 Refugee Convention and international refugee law. Together, these compacts provide a comprehensive framework for states to manage migration and displacement in a cooperative, rights-based, and development-oriented manner.^[11],^[12],^[13]

Morocco is a country that faces challenges from irregular migration, and is situated within a shifting geopolitical context that requires a collective and united commitment to implementing partnerships and cooperation with Europe for hosting forced migrants on its territory. The European Union (EU) has tied financial assistance to Morocco’s commitment to facilitating migrant readmission and ensuring stringent border management, which includes preventing irregular migration and enhancing document security.^[14] Similarly, Spain and Morocco entered into a readmission agreement in 1992 that encompasses mutual assistance in developing border control measures, including the provision of equipment and training for border control personnel,^[15] as well as fortifying the borders of the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla by building fences reinforced with advanced technologies.^[16]

Notably, Morocco plays a dual role in European migration governance, serving simultaneously as a ‘safe’ third country for irregular migrants returning from Europe and as a country of origin for Moroccan irregular migrants.  In 2013, Morocco became the first country in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region to adopt a comprehensive migration policy, the National Immigration and Asylum Strategy (NIAS). This policy aims to regulate migration while promoting integration and providing protection for refugees and asylum seekers. It represents a significant shift toward a more inclusive approach for migrants in irregular situations, emphasizing their protection and the respect for their human rights.

Morocco’s Role in Hosting Sub-Saharan Irregular Migrants and the Challenges of its New Migration Policy

The EU has prioritized strengthening its border management and control by implementing policies focused on externalization, readmission agreements, and the reintegration of irregular migrants into transit countries, including Morocco. Significant European funding has further reinforced Morocco’s commitment to its NIAS policy, emphasizing respect for human rights and enhancing socio-economic integration within its territory. 

In 2015, the European Commission established the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), which served as a primary instrument for supporting Morocco in migration management, having committed a total of €234 million between 2015 and 2021. This funding, allocated through bilateral and regional agreements, focuses on combating smuggling and trafficking, fostering “community stabilization”, and facilitating assisted voluntary returns.^[17]

As part of the partnerships adopted under the EU-Morocco Neighborhood Policy, Morocco has received €123 million from Spain since 2019 to enhance migration control purposes.^[18] An additional €101,7 million was allocated to support Morocco’s efforts in combating human smuggling and managing irregular migration. Furthermore, a funding budget of €289 million was allocated in 2020 to support reforms and development in the country.^[19]

Nevertheless, pushbacks and pullbacks have become central practices in the management of migration between Morocco and Spain. In 2020, in a widely criticized decision, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that land pushbacks by Spain to Morocco did not breach the prohibition on collective expulsion.^[20] However, the Committee on the Rights of the Child condemned Spain for violating the rights of an unaccompanied minor who was summarily expelled to Morocco, without proper age assessment or procedural safeguards.^[21] In 2021, 125 sub-Saharan migrants were pushed back to Morocco from a Spanish enclave.^[22] In 2022, Moroccan authorities reported thwarting 70,781 attempts, according to data provided by the Interior Ministry,^[23] a statistic linked to the Melilla tragedy, during which at least 23 sub-Saharan migrants lost their lives while trying to enter Spain, alongside as many as 2,000 others.^[24] In 2024, there were 78,687 disrupted attempts from Morocco to Europe, marking a 4,6% increase compared to 2023.^[25]

On the other hand, the EU initiated a comprehensive cooperation program with Morocco in 2023, allocating €152 million to enhance the country’s border management efforts against smuggling networks and to support the implementation of Morocco’s national integrated approach to asylum and migration (NIAS) policy. This program also promotes the voluntary return and reintegration of migrants to their countries of origin, in alignment with human rights standards.^[26]

The legal status of undocumented migrants is overseen by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in collaboration with Moroccan authorities, under the framework of the NIAS initiative.^[27] The partnership extends to non-state actors, further enhancing the support system for this vulnerable population and ensuring access to basic services. Approximately 45,000 migrants of various nationalities, including Afghan and Syrian refugees, have regularized their legal status through two exceptional regularization campaigns in 2014 and 2017.^[28]

By the end of 2024, UNHCR had registered a total of 18,878 refugees and asylum seekers from over 60 countries. Also, 919 UNHCR-recognized refugees reported at least one specific need related to gender-based violence in the same year. Additionally, 105 forcibly displaced individuals benefited from emergency or protection accommodation, while 2,154 vulnerable refugees received financial assistance. Through the health program, there were 8,347 specialized consultations and 1,352 instances of psychosocial counseling.^[29] However, 950 migrants, including 150 children, benefited from the information and orientation sessions.^[30]

Thus, the proportion of migrants accessing essential services in Morocco remains disproportionately low compared to the total number of migrants living in the country. Indeed, as many irregular migrants lack proper documentation, the Moroccan government and intergovernmental organizations do not count them, and their numbers are estimated to be in the thousands. According to the General Population and Housing Census, Morocco is home to 148,152 foreign migrants in 2024, including irregular and regular migrants, refugees and asylum seekers.^[31],^[32]

While Morocco is increasingly becoming a host country, it is not institutionally prepared to ensure protection, security, and dignified living conditions for all refugees and asylum seekers. There are serious shortcomings regarding the human rights of migrants, at a time when migratory flows are continuously occurring on Moroccan soil. Sub-Saharan migrants are remarkably overwhelmed by uncertainty, paired with poverty and precariousness. Most survive through begging, street trading or informal work, which risks trapping them in exploitative jobs, and many of them are deprived of effective access to their human rights.^[33] In this context, the migrants are focusing mainly on the sea or land crossing to the Spanish enclaves and coasts, even if they risk their lives, while knowing that the borders have become increasingly deadly.

The Lived Experience of Sub-Saharan Migrants in Morocco: Between Solidarity and Adversity

While solidarity dominates relations between States, as demonstrated by their collaborative management and control of migration, other forms of solidarity are evident among sub-Saharan migrants throughout their journey, from their departure to arrival. The migrants’ aspiration brought together participants from various nationalities and ethnicities, both during their travels, while settled in transit countries, and upon their arrival at the final destination. According to their testimonies, many enter Morocco on foot in groups, often with the help of smugglers, embarking on dangerous journeys through the desert.  

Upon reaching Morocco, migrants meet and form close bonds, and when speaking about one another, they refer to each other as ‘my brother’ or ‘my sister’. Moreover, they support one another while navigating the challenges of a precarious living situation in Morocco (looking for accommodation, ghettos,^[34] roommates, and engaging in survival strategies such as begging, street vending, etc.). The migrants also cooperate in continuing their hazardous journey (seeking smugglers, avoiding criminals, mitigating risks, etc.), often facilitated by communication and information technologies.^[35]

Sub-Saharan migrants are predominantly young individuals endowed with physical and mental capacity that motivates them to embark on their journey to Europe. Their movement provides them with a strong sense of optimism, mutual assistance, and social cohesion characterized by differentiation, interdependence, and trust among themselves from the outset of their journey. 

In structurally disadvantaged urban neighborhoods, migrants gather in participatory settlements, developing fraternal socialization. They collectively organize their daily lives amid poverty and uncertainty, sharing a sense of optimism and mutual aid. Whether starting a family, learning to engage in symbolic practices for daily survival, cohabiting in precarious housing, or continuing their migratory path, these acts of solidarity are cultivated among migrants through their interaction, establishing a collective consciousness that helps them navigate the challenges they encounter, secure stability, and encourage social integration within Moroccan society, as long as socio-economic integration is not guaranteed.^[36]

Due to the lack of a dignified life comparable to that of Moroccan society, migrants face discrimination and precarity. This is why Morocco is not the preferred destination for most of them and continues to be considered a transit country in their attempt to reach Europe. The migrants’ collective consciousness drives them to roam across Morocco in groups, either in the North toward the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, or in the South toward the Canary Islands and this, at each new opportunity, allows them to cross land or maritime borders.^[37]

The year 2024 was the deadliest for irregular migrants attempting to reach the Spanish coast, particularly the Canary Islands, from Morocco. According to a report by the NGO Carminando Fronteras, “more than 10,400 migrants from 28 countries, primarily African, have died or are missing, representing a 58% increase from 2023. In 2024, 60,216 migrants entered Spain illegally by land or sea, reflecting a 14.5% rise compared to the previous year”, according to data from the Spanish Ministry of the Interior.

Conclusion

International solidarity calls for a greater commitment from Europe and so-called ‘safe’ countries to enhance cooperation and uphold shared responsibility in addressing migration challenges. In this context, Europe has largely prioritized a security-driven approach, relying on externalization policies, along with the readmission and reintegration of irregular migrants in transit countries, such as Morocco. In parallel, Europe has allocated financial resources to third countries to support migration management. 

These strategies may reinforce European border control, but they often fail to provide effective humanitarian protection and safeguard the migrants’ human rights. This failure is particularly evident in the processes of pushbacks and pullbacks between Morocco and Spain, which frequently involve collective expulsion, arbitrary detentions, denial of asylum procedures, and even disappearances. 

Morocco’s new position as a host country for sub-Saharan forced migrants offers both advantages and challenges. While its migration policy facilitates the regularization of a substantial number of migrants’ legal status, the implementation of an effective asylum system suffers from significant shortcomings that hinder the protection and security of migrants. Despite the growing migratory flows in Morocco, the human rights of this vulnerable population are inadequately protected, especially in terms of socio-economic integration. Additionally, asylum seekers are frequently exposed to discrimination and structural precarity, and there are no existing programs specifically designed to facilitate their inclusion in the Sustainable Development Goals. In practice, the delegation of responsibility for receiving migrants to Morocco reveals a façade of solidarity that remains largely unfulfilled. 

Despite structural barriers, the solidarity shown by sub-Saharan migrants from various nationalities and ethnicities gives them the courage and ambition to navigate the complexities of vulnerable living conditions in Morocco. However, the undesirable tasks they undertake for survival (begging, street cleaning, informal work, etc.) lead them to pursue their journey toward Europe, often taking dangerous migratory routes that jeopardize their lives. Consequently, the number of migrant deaths is rising, particularly on the route to the Canary Islands, which is regarded as the most perilous route in the world.^[38]

Consequently, European and North African States facing irregular migration hold a fundamental obligation under international human rights and refugee law to protect the right to life and the safety of migrants, especially those in distress at sea, which must be prioritized. This obligation involves stopping illegal border practices like pushbacks and pullbacks, which put migrants at serious risks, including death, enforced disappearances, and various types of violence. Additionally, the so-called “safe countries,” such as Morocco, carry an increased duty to align their migration management procedures with international legal standards by ensuring full access to human rights for migrants, strengthening procedural safeguards, preventing refoulement, and providing transparent access to asylum and protection systems. These steps are essential to uphold human dignity and shared responsibility in migration governance. 

Footnotes

1. It is noted that those with children often avoid the journey due to safety concerns. ↑

2. Tasneem, Abderrahim. (2019), A Tale of Two Agreements: EU Migration Cooperation with Morocco and Tunisia, Papers IEMed, European Institute of the Mediterranean. ↑

3. European Commission. (2013), Migration and mobility partnership signed between the EU and Morocco ↑

4. Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (1992), Readmission Agreement between Spain and Morocco. ↑

5. This study draws on fieldwork that I conducted between 2020 and 2024, examining the living conditions and migration experiences of irregular migrants from sub-Saharan Africa residing in Morocco, with a particular focus on Kenitra, a city with a significant population of sub-Saharan migrants. Its proximity to the capital Rabat, is advantageous as it enables them to complete asylum application procedures more easily. Furthermore, many migrants choose to live in Kenitra because it is relatively “safe” and not subject to pushbacks by law enforcement to the southern regions of Morocco, unlike major cities such as Rabat and Casablanca. Additionally, the cost of living and housing in Kenitra is comparatively affordable. ↑

6. ECRE. (2023), 2022 Update AIDA Country Report: Spain. ↑

7. Frontex. (2025), Irregular border crossings into EU drop sharply in 2024. ↑

8. 8Durkheim, Emile. (2013). De la division du travail social (1893). Paris : PUF. ↑

9. Council of the European Union. Financing the EU budget. ↑

10. UNHCR. (2020), Morocco: Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF) Country Update, Global Compact on Refugees ↑

11. IOM. Global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration. ↑

12. UNHCR. Global Compact for Refugees. ↑

13. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 28 July 1951, 189 UNTS 137. ↑

14. European Commission. (2011), EU Migration Cooperation with Morocco and Tunisia, EuroMeSCo Paper. ↑

15. Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Op. cit. ↑

16. Marinoni Filippo. (2023), The EU’s Externalization of Borders in Morocco: Historical Path and Main Consequences, The Square. ↑

17. European Court of Auditors. (2024), Special Report, The EU Trust Fund for Africa – Despite new approaches, support remained unfocused. ↑

18. Statewatch. (2022), Spanish Government Approves Another 30 Million for Migration Control in Morocco. ↑

19. European Commission. (2019), EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa: new actions of almost €150 million to tackle human smuggling, protect vulnerable people and stabilize communities in North Africa. ↑

20. European Court of Human Rights. (2020). N.D. and N.T. v. Spain (Applications nos. 8675/15 and 8697/15). Judgment of 13 February 2020, Grand Chamber. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. ↑

21. Committee on the Rights of the Child. (2019). D.D. v. Spain (Communication No. 4/2016), U.N. Doc. CRC/C/83/D/4/2016 (adopted 1 February 2019). United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies. ↑

22. ECRE. (2021), Spain: Mass Expulsion to Morocco Alarms NGOs and Ombudsman – Bodies of People on the Move Wash up on Spanish Shores ↑

23. Majdoub Khaled. (2024), Morocco intercepts over 25,000 migration attempts in 2023, Anadolu Ajansı. ↑

24. Human Rights Watch. (2022), Morocco/Spain: Horrific Migrant Deaths at Melilla Border, Investigate Fully, Preserve Evidence, Ensure Dignified Treatment of the Dead. ↑

25. Reuters. (2025), Morocco Foils 78,685 Migrant Attempts to Reach Europe in 2024. ↑

26. European Commission. (2023), EU launches new cooperation programmes with Morocco worth €624 million – green transition, migration and reforms, Directorate‑General for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Negotiations. ↑

27. Arbaoui Younous & Benmourou Younous. (2025), Asile au Maroc : L’ombre d’un Système Sans Recours, Enass: 2020(49). ↑

28. IOM. Politiques et Cadres de Gouvernance Migratoire au Maroc. ↑

29. https://www.unhcr.org/sites/default/files/2025-03/Morocco - Factsheet_ENG_Q42024.pdf ↑

30. IOM. (2024), Morocco Annual Report, Key Results 2024, “Diversity at the heart of our actions”. ↑

31. IOM. (2024). Morocco Annual Report. Op. cit. ↑

32. Arbaoui Younous. (2025), Drowned in Silence: North African complicity in Mediterranean migrant deaths? Revue Hijra : (3), pp.32-52. ↑

33. According to the interviews with sub-Saharan migrants. ↑

34. Guettos are ‘shelter houses’. ↑

35. According to the interviews with sub-Saharan migrants. ↑

36. Op. Cit. ↑

37. Op. Cit. ↑

38. Caminando Fronteras. (2024). Monitoring the right to life – 2024 Report. https://caminandofronteras.org/en/monitoreo/monitoring-the-right-to-life-2024/ ↑